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Hunger and Public Policy 2006The Booklet "Plenty and Scarcity: Hunger and Public Policy 2006" is now available. As a resource for discussing five critical issues impacting hungry people, these booklets may be used for groups gathering for Bible study, prayer, and conversations about the role of faith in society. They may be used for Lenten season or throughout the year. The Process Each year the Board of Trustees of the Hunger Network in Ohio (HNO) determines the most crucial hunger-related issues the Organization is able to effectively impact. These subjects are packaged into a study booklet. This year’s edition of “Plenty and Scarcity: Hunger and Public Policy 2006” is distributed through congregations and is available for use by other interested groups and individuals. The Issues While working with collegial organizations on international concerns, the HNO primarily focuses on hunger issues in and affecting Ohio. This year’s priority issues are "POVERTY AS MORALITY: Faces of Poor, Katrina and Beyond;" "LEGISLATING OR REGULATING? In-TEL-igence in Ohio Politics;" "INCOME JUSTICE: The Economy and Fair Wages;" "FAREWELL TO WELFARE: Moving Families out of Poverty;" and "MAKING $ENSE OF TAX CUTS: Impacting 'HAVES'/'HAVE-NOTS'." Accessing the Booklet "Plenty and Scarcity" is available here in several formats. Simply click the link for the desired format, and follow the instructions to download. The Booklet may also be viewed online in HTML. Adobe Acrobat 6.5 Word 2000 Rich Text Format 2.4 MB 249 KB 2.5 MB The Hunger Network in Ohio has adopted the following priority hunger-related issues to be addressed next year. They are consistent with our mission to “end hunger in Ohio,” through a strategy of trying to “change condition causing poverty,” and within the scope of our capabilities to advocate. They are now being researched for inclusion in the upcoming edition of Plenty and Scarcity: Hunger and Public Policy 2006 available in January. Please let us know if you would like to order copies for a discussion group you would be willing to organize. 1. Faces of the Poor and Facing Poverty 2. Meeting our Obligations 3. The Tax Code is Public Policy 4. The Economic Bind and a Fair Wage 5. Society’s Bare-bones Safety Net for its “Underclass”
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The
mission of the Hunger Network in Ohio is to end hunger by changing
conditions causing poverty. Networking within communities of faith and with
human service and other advocacy organizations, HNO equips individuals and
groups to impact public policy decisions on hunger and poverty. Since 1978, Hunger Network in Ohio has worked with congregations and persons of faith to consider reasons for hunger and long-term solutions to poverty. Participants are given opportunities for education on policy issues and tools to become effective advocates with and for those who are hungry. The organization is governed by a board of trustees from the West Ohio Conference of the United Methodist Church, Episcopal Dioceses of Ohio and Southern Ohio, Northeastern Ohio Synod of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in American, and Eastminster Presbytery of the Presbyterian Church (USA). |
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“Plenty
& Scarcity” features five critical issues being addressed this year
through the Hunger Network in Ohio. They are written for anyone who is concerned
about hunger and willing to help change conditions that cause it. The booklet combines biblical suggestions with information
about hunger-related issues and implications of public policy decisions.
These discussion-starters may be used by church classes, families,
friends, or any small groups willing to struggle together with Scripture and
life—ancient wisdom and contemporary society.
This
exercise is intended to encourage lively dialogue on the humanitarian impact of
choices before us—the tension between “Plenty and Scarcity.” In a universe blessed with abundance, too many of our local
and global neighbors are cursed with hunger, malnutrition, and starvation.
While
participants are encouraged to adopt their own patterns for personal and group
discussions, a suggested format includes the following:
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Begin by reading the Scripture, first silently and, after a period
of personal meditation, invite a willing person to read it out loud.
Individuals may then share briefly the meaning of the passage for
them personally. | |
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Next turn to the topic. Recognizing
the constant change in circumstances surrounding any issues and the varying
amounts of information each person may bring to the discussion, participants
may share additional input, ask questions, and discuss their views.
Optional questions at the end of each section are provided to
stimulate discussion. | |
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After conversing about each issue, again read the same Scripture
in unison and share thoughts about the implications of the passage
for the public policy issue(s) being discussed. | |
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A period of prayer may follow in which, in light of the
discussion, participants may voice their concerns, hopes, commitments. | |
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Conclude each session with participants filling out their ballots
(on last page of booklet). They
may wish to share their answers with one another as well as consider how to
act upon their conclusions. |
The
last page of the booklet suggests other ways to make a difference.
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The
next six months will be as challenging as any in Ohio legislative history. Ohio,
a falling star among former power states, is faced with unprecedented losses in
manufacturing jobs, high numbers of citizens—working and unemployed—without
health care, a school-funding formula that forces more and more local school
districts to seek voter approval for property tax increases, and an antiquated,
uncompetitive tax code. And it’s getting worse. The state is facing a budget
deficit that some estimates peg as high as $5 billion.
The
Akron Beacon-Journal points out some reasons for the crisis now brewing in our
State. While these problems are
clearly economic, their resolution is primarily political. To the key question of how to generate additional money
to sustain the health and well-being of the poorest Ohioans, several answers are
now being weighed.
Keep the PennyFaced
with a similar dilemma two years ago, legislators filled a projected $4 billion
shortfall largely with “non-reoccurring revenues.”
These are one time sources of money which, once exhausted, would not be
available for future use —”rainy day” funds. Other prominent nonrenewable
moneys include last year’s federal fiscal relief grants and transfer from
accumulated dividends from a settlement with the tobacco industry.
Yet,
the largest and most controversial stopgap came from temporarily adding one
penny to the state sales tax. Many
health and human service providers threatened by similar cuts as in 2003, now
advocate keeping the penny rather than allowing it to elapse June 30. A counter-intuitive survey by the Dayton Daily News revealed
a majority of State senators and house members alike are favorable to either
sustaining the current sales tax or at least keeping their options open.
However, even with maintaining that sales tax increase not enough money will be
generated to fully fund existing government services.
For
their willingness to “bite the bullet,” many legislators were shunned (and
some voted out) by their constituents. That
uneasiness over last year’s increase of the one cent sales tax has them again
in a bind. Veterans of hard and
unpopular choices joined by fresh and wary comrades in the legislature are being
lobbied to cut taxes. With chief spokesperson Secretary of State Ken Blackwell,
Citizens for Tax Reform are pushing for a constitutional amendment designed to
limit state spending. Modeled after
an earlier — and dubious — initiative in Colorado, TABOR (Taxpayers Bill of
Rights) would, among many regulations to discourage spending, establish a
two-thirds super-majority requirement to raise taxes. This idea has been criticized by the Governor and leaders of
both houses yet is endorsed by prominent Republicans.
Another
money-saving strategy by the State would be to reduce the amount of funding to
local communities. These are
crucial moneys that fill in support for police, fire, street, libraries, etc.
Local officials, already piecing together remnants from previous
shortfalls, are understandably apprehensive.
The
most lasting remedy involves overhauling the State tax codes. Initially proposed
by the Governor and handily rejected by the General Assembly last year, this
idea will be refurbished and reintroduced.
This year’s initiative will promise to move Ohio’s economy from
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Maintaining a 1930s era manufacturing economy to embracing a growing
service economy | |
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relying too much on personal taxes to depending more on business (Ohio
is 50-50% compared to 35-65% nationally) | |
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allowing too many large businesses to pay only a $50 annual fee through
loopholes that shift income and assets out of state |
An
increasing number of legislators recognize that a radical makeover of tax
policies is an important, inevitable, and ultimately effective way of more
equitably bolstering state revenues. After
wrestling over the contentious resolutions for improving the state of the State
in the next two years, the 126th General Assembly’s decisions will ultimately
depend upon their constituents for direction—be they the most powerful, vocal,
and/or caring!
(Primary
References: Center for Community Solutions; Citizen for Tax Reform;
Ohio’s major metropolitan newspapers)
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1. Do you favor (a) keeping or (b) eliminating
the extra one cent to the sales tax in 2006-07? Why or why not? 2.
Should Ohio (a) adopt or (b) not adopt TABOR principles? Explain. 3.
Should Ohio raise other taxes: (a) Cigarettes; (b) Alcohol: (c) Income.
Explain. 4. How might the State reform the current tax
code? (a) More equitable taxes on services; (b) Lower personal taxes; (c)
Close business loopholes. Prioritize. |
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“Next
time you push a shopping cart full of groceries into a long checkout line, take
a look at the folks around you and imagine an equally long line of people
waiting for a food handout. Then
look at the goods you’re about to pay at least $150 for, and remember that
those in the food-bank lines are getting soup, macaroni and cheese, and the
like. And unlike the constantly
restocked shelves in supermarkets, the food pantries’ cupboards are going
bare. You are imagining reality.”
Following
up a week-long series last summer on hunger in Ohio, this Columbus Dispatch
pre-Christmas editorial underscored the dramatic increase in hungry Ohioans (a
quarter of them children) amid the decline in services.
“Lines are longer and donations are down, “ according to Lisa
Hamler-Podolski, director of Second Harvest Foodbanks.
“Some people who were donors a year ago are now standing in the
line.”
Lisa’s organization, which supplies food to over
3000 food pantries and soup kitchens throughout the State, was one of many
programs marked for drastic cuts or elimination during the budget debate two
years ago. These included 70,000+
working parents with incomes below 100% of poverty, the State Children’s
Health Insurance Program (SCHIP), and a wide variety of programs for the poor,
disabled, and elderly. Along with
gutting human services allocations, the State would have needed to eliminate
over 1.5 billion for K-12 education and a half billion dollar reduction from
higher education that had already been hard hit in previous budgets.
The ripple effect on the state level would become a torrent locally,
decimating allocations such as fire, police, and library funding.
Now
faced with similar alternatives, legislators are beginning to realize that,
without a combination of a renewed penny sales tax and new moneys, a projected
$5 billion deficit for the next biennium will require severe cuts to these
invaluable support systems for those least able to care for themselves.
The
major driver of the crisis has been the astronomic rise in the cost of health
services for the indigent. The
growing number of recipients and increasing cost of Medicaid- related services
is far exceeding allocations. Disproportionately
draining federal and state revenues, it threatens to exhaust the health care
system for those who are down and without medical insurance.
Likely considerations include cutting reimbursements for nursing homes,
containing costs for medical procedures, and raising standards for families to
qualify. With most states facing
similar dilemmas, a chorus of governors has called upon the President and
congress to avoid passing to states a greater burden for Medicaid.
While most are prepared to trim rolls, one governor has moved on a path
others may follow by proposing to privatize these services to the indigent.
Nearly
a quarter million jobs have been lost in recent years, yet jobs are what Ohioans
need most. According to the
Community Research Partners of Columbus, as part of a report of a national
working-families project sponsored by the Annie E. Casey Foundation, “the
shift in Ohio’s economy away from manufacturing promises to be a lasting one,
and state policies need to change to keep up.”
The study found that one of five jobs in Ohio pays less than
poverty-level wages ($18,392 or $8.84 an hour for a family of four).
And many low income families earning up to twice that amount don’t
qualify for government programs even though their incomes are too low to pay for
transportation, health care, and child care.
The report suggests that, in the long-term, Ohio truly can’t afford to
ignore these willing workers. Financial
aid will be needed particularly for...
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adults
seeking short-term career training in non-degree classes; | |
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low
income students who want to attend college; | |
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unemployment
benefits to minimum-wage and part-time workers; | |
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enacting of a state income tax credit for the poorest residents (which
would not require new expenditures). |
The
report concludes that this change is not “mainly about recession (rather)
permanent change in the economy.” Some
form of widespread jobs-incentive initiative is severely needed for unemployed
and underemployed Ohio families.
Primary
References: Campaign to Protect Ohio’s Future;
Community Research Partners; the Hannah Report
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1. If cuts must be made, what state programs are
(a) least or (b) most expendable? 2. What measures would you suggest to reduce
Medicaid costs? (a) Type of coverage? (b) Qualifications for coverage? Be
specific. 3. What is the role of the State in expanding employment opportunities? (a) Primary/secondary school funding? (b) Higher education? (c) Job training? |
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From its inception in 1996, Temporary
Assistance for Families in Need (TANF) has been portrayed as “changing welfare
as we’ve known it”—shifting moneys from direct handouts to job training
and expectation for employment. Even with discrepancies between the reduction of
caseloads and evidence of self-sufficiency of persons previously receiving
welfare benefits, there is a general consensus that TANF has had a positive
effect and—with improvements—should be continued.
However,
mandated reauthorization has been postponed six times in the last two years.
Republican and Democratic legislators have been unable to agree on how to
build upon their success. Most
attention has focused upon a few critical differences: whether more or less
emphasis should be dedicated to educational development and job training; what
would be an appropriate expectation for the number of hours worked by recipients
to move toward self-sufficiency; whether health benefits should be reduced or
increased during transitions from welfare to work; and determination of adequate
child care support, especially for single mothers.
We
have learned much about enhancing the effectiveness of “welfare
reform”—what works in reducing poverty and creating self-sufficiency and
what doesn’t. Now is the time to
push beyond partisan politics and build upon rather than lose what we have
gained.
Yet
with funding for TANF running out again on March 31, rumblings in this new
congress suggest that legislators could become immobilized over these same
issues. Rep. Wally Herger, the
Chair of the House Ways and Means Subcommittee on Human Resources, has
introduced H.R. 240, the Personal Responsibility, Work and Family Promotion Act
of 2005. Immediate reactions reveal
a clear philosophical split: those favoring greater patience and more gradual
accountability for “families in need” are preemptively attacking the bill as
containing punitive provisions supported by the House in the last Congress.
That version included higher work participation rates for states,
increased work hours for benefit recipients (up to 40 per week, from the current
30), and reduced flexibility for states in determining what counts as work.
Opinions differ as to whether provisions for child care are adequate to
meet the current need, particularly in light of the requirement for increased
hours on the job. And, apparently
to coax broader conservative supporters, the bill also includes politically
charged “marriage promotion” provisions—encouraging coupling as a means
for individuals to become more economically stable.
The
other predictable congressional collision will be over the level of funding.
TANF has been funded at $16 billion a year since it was enacted in 1996.
With the administration’s determination to reduce funding for
discretionary programs in its budget proposal for the next fiscal year, even
sustaining this level could be in jeopardy.
The case for decreasing funding points out that TANF rolls have been cut
in half over the last eight years. Moreover, many states (including Ohio) were
able to siphon off excess TANF funding and divert it to other programs in
previous years. So chances are
that, even with inflation and new evidence that caseloads have begun to rise,
TANF will be cut.
As
a “voice crying in the wilderness,” the interfaith community has advocated
for legislation to reauthorize TANF that would increase funding for child care;
restore TANF and health care benefits for legal immigrants; give states
increased flexibility in determining what meets the work requirement (such as
expanding the time allowed for vocational education from 12 to 24 months); give
states flexibility to ignore or extend work requirements and time limits for
people facing severe barriers to employment; reject increased work requirements;
and deny any proposal that would allow states to waive federal rules in certain
low-income programs, in the name of program consolidation.
The
collision over this revolutionary legislation features a classic battle between
what either side might describe the other as “hard hearted” versus
“bleeding heart” approaches to the plight of the poor.
Primary References: National Council of Churches-USA; Ohio Empowerment
Coalition;
Center for Law and Social Policy
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1. Has “welfare reform” been (a) effective
or (b) ineffective in reducing poverty? Explain. 2. To what extent should Families receive
child-care support? (a) single parent only; (b) if both parents work? (c)
only uncovered hours 3.
Should emphasis upon education and training be (a) greater or (b) less?
Why? 4. Should clients work (a) more, (b) less, or (c) at 30 hours as an expectation for those beginning to move out of poverty? |
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Any
consideration of TANF must take into account the larger debate about all federal
funding and benefits programs. A couple of facts may jar us into that reality.
The federal budget deficit hit a record $413 billion in 2004.
While revenues were 5.6 percent lower than in 2001, spending was 23
percent higher, and total debt held by the public--the amount borrowed to pay
for past deficits--was 29 percent higher.
In
early February, President Bush will recommend the 2006-07 federal budget.
His figures must meet two primordial standards of the controlling
party—reduce both the size of the debt and the size of government.
Ideally, his projections will as well relieve public anxiety about the
future. Between then and October, when spending begins flowing for
the next fiscal year, hearings will be held and opportunities will become
available to influence its final version. Stark
choices will be placed before Congress and the American people:
The
administration’s budget will seek to drastically reduce spending for domestic
benefits. Because of promised
increases for defense and home security alongside continuing tax reduction, many
of those cuts will necessarily come from basic health and human
services—traditional “entitlements.”
Squeezed
between the rock and the hard place, the legislature will need to decide what
programs and which American should bear the brunt of sacrifice.
Should our country target for greatest cuts basic human services—
programs that are guaranteed and rise automatically each year based on set
formulas? These “long-term
unfunded obligations” of benefits include Social Security, Medicare, Civil
Service retirement and disability, veterans disability compensation, etc.
With further reductions forecast in housing assistance, job training, and
health coverage for poor families and children, the implications for precarious
families moving from welfare to work will become increasingly dire.
Ironically,
in this time of increasingly restricted money, the administration is determined
to make permanent previous tax cuts. Although
those tax cuts clearly added significantly to the growing deficit, government
officials deflect the greatest blame on the combination of a slumping economy
and costs associated with “fighting terrorism.”
They also argue that, while reducing revenues in the long-term, tax cuts
that especially advance wealthy entrepreneurs and corporations will eventually
stimulate the national economy by increasing investments and
productivity—therefore, employment. A
counter belief questions whether enabling the rich to get richer will prevent
the poor from getting poorer. Those holding this position would channel greater
charity directly toward the most needy.
A
more subtle approach for reducing the deficit would be for the federal
government to send states larger, more comprehensive grants previously divvied
out for multiple programs. Undergirded
by a preference for greater local rather than federal control, this point of
view encourages states to decide what is the best use of these incoming moneys.
For instance, federal Medicaid allocations to state may initially
increase along with expanded discretion for states and local governments to
change the primary health care system for the poor. Those sweeteners would be
followed by cuts in later years. The advantages of local control are too often offset by
misuses and abuses in spending by states.
Although
attempts at Social Security and tax reform will capture headlines early this
year, the promises of a “tough
budget” for this next fiscal year will eventually dominate the attention of
legislators. And without
substantial resistance, tax cuts will be made permanent and spending priority
will be given to military operations and domestic security over social welfare.
Primary References: Center on Budget and Policy Priorities; Club for
Growth;
United for a Fair Economy
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1. How critical is debt-reduction? (a) Priority: needs reduced immediate; (b) Secondary: tolerate as inevitable; (c) Conditional: depends on other factors. Explain. 2. How would you rate as funding priorities (a)
Military; (b) Home security; and (c) Human services ? Justify. 3. If domestic spending is to be reduced, which
“entitlement” are (a) most (b) least important? Explain. 4. Would you recommend (a) making; (b) not making tax cuts permanent? Why? |
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What are “moral values”?
Judging from the recent presidential election, it depends upon whom you
ask. Literally, an expression of
“manners” or “customs,” moral has traditionally meant personal
principles of “right” and “wrong.”
Culminating in last fall’s campaign, the term’s prominence was
ratcheted up, its meaning narrowed, and its application spread by a substantial
number of outspoken Christians.
Led
primarily by conservative and evangelical churches, the term became inseparably
linked to particular “values” or standards for sexuality--especially
contrary to homosexuality, abortion, stem cell research, etc. On Election Day 2004, 18 million Americans reportedly voted
for President Bush because of his “moral values”— code for judgment
against gay marriage and its proponents. In
fact this outrage edged out terrorism and the economy as the top issue of the
election. In 11 states that
included a referendum on gay marriage (including Ohio), moral values became
synonymous with a vote for the President. While
prohibited from actually endorsing a particular candidate, receptive
congregations were admonished by moral leaders to cast their vote based upon
those particular values.
Meanwhile, other-minded Christians have
appealed for a broader and more inclusive definition. “Regardless of who leads this country,” says National
Council of Churches General Secretary Robert Edgar, “the agenda of the church
must always respond faithfully to the Bible’s timeless mandate to minister to
the poor, the marginalized and the outcast; and to be seekers and makers of
peace.” To that end, progressive
religious groups such as Hadassah, Interfaith Alliance, and Protestants for the
Common Good (PCG) are encouraging people of faith to work toward reforms on
moral issues such as economic justice, poverty, affordable housing, the
environment, and international peace.
These
concerns are being weighed as well among evangelical church leaders.
One nationally known pastor, Jim Wallis—editor of Sojourners—writes
that the 2004 election has begun “a real debate in this country over what the
most important ‘religious issues’ are in politics.”
He contends that the religious right “fought to keep the focus on gay
marriage and abortion...But many moderate and progressive Christians disagreed. We insisted that poverty is also a religious issue, pointing
to thousands of verses in the Bible on the poor.
The environment — protection of God’s creation — is also one of our
religious concerns.” The Rev.
Jeff Schutz, until recently a pastor at “a fast-growing evangelical
congregation,” urged Americans to think past personal moral issues like
abortion and gay marriage. “How about talking about adoption, special-needs
children, reforming the insurance industry, [and] the homeless?” Schutz said. Some have accused the President of hypocrisy, claiming
himself the “President of moral values.”
They claim he has promoted polices that let millions of kids slide into
poverty while cutting taxes for the richest Americans.
Some are convinced that religious people are simply being distracted from
questioning, along with the economy, the morality of the war in Iraq.
Today,
with the exception of some “died in the wool” conspiracy theories regarding
the outcome in Ohio, the election is over for most of us and George Bush is our
President. However, these
divisions—and growing divisiveness—are still seething among Christians—and
other people of faith. Regardless
of religious, moral, or political persuasion, the credence of our messages will
be strengthened, not by condemning each other’s values, but through greater
mutual understanding.
As
Rev. Stephen Bouman, a New York-based bishop of the Evangelical Lutheran Church
in America, concludes, “Maybe this election was a wake-up call to have a
serious conversation about what morality means, to look at what sort of country
we’re becoming.’’
Primary References: American Progress Action; Brookings Institute; Sojourner Magazine
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1. What is
your view of the meaning of “moral values?” (a) Limited to
personal behavior (i.e., sexuality); (b) Broadly communal (i.e..
poverty); Expansive (i.e., war) 2. In
today’s society, (a) is one of these types of “moral values”
superior in importance or (a) are they equally important?
Elaborate. 3. What is
the legitimate role of organized religion in influencing public?
(a) Openly promote candidacies; (b) Support issues, but not
Individual candidates; (c) Leave to personal conscience 4. What could
your congregation—and you—do to generate better understanding
among faith groups and within our own community? (a) Discuss
within church; (b) Come together with others who think
differently; (c) Promote open public forums |
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(*) Micah 6:8
How
do we move forward to make a difference in the lives of hungry families?
We
must begin by seeking the truth--being conscientious and persistent in obtaining
accurate information on the issues we seek to address.
Rather than relying on personal or popular opinion alone, we must grasp
the constantly changing facts about the human needs we advocate and public
policies we want to impact.
Personal
prayer is central--for those who hunger and are poor as well our congressional
representatives; state or federal administration leadership; individuals and
groups agreeing with or opposing our viewpoints; or simply for our own clarity
of thought, determination, and caring. In
addition, Bible study, devotional exercises, and/or small group reflections
cleanse our motivations and concentrate our approach.
Companions
sharing our cause help broaden and strengthen whatever we offer.
We spread our impact through mobilizing our congregations and
civic/social organizations, and coalescing with kindred individuals and groups.
Ideally, we are also nurtured by friends and family.
Our
effectiveness will be increased by...
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focusing on realistic expectations. | |
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clearly
understanding many-sided issues and competently (and fairly) expressing our
convictions. | |
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treating
public officials--and their staff and advocates--with respect whether or not we
feel they have earned it. | |
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being dependable and persistent. |
Personal
visits, calls, letters, or email (in that order of priority) to politicians are
critical.
And
in all that we do--since our vision and energy may be short lived--we must act
while our convictions are fresh and opportunities are ripe.
Please register your opinion on the Opinion Ballot (next page). Circle the option that most closely represents your thinking. You may add comments, using another sheet of paper to record extended answers. When you have finished the last issue in the booklet and completed the balloting, you may include “Optional Information”. When you have completed filling out the forms, return, fax, call, or email your responses to the Hunger Network in Ohio. Ballot tallies and comments will be shared with public officials as a reflection of our accumulated thinking about these issues.
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1. Sales tax (a)
(b)
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2. TABOR (a) (b)
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3. Additional taxes (a) (b) (c)
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4. Tax code reform (a) (b) (c)
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1. Program expendability (a)
(b)
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2. Reduce Medicaid costs (a)
(b)
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3. Expanding employment opportunities (a)
(b) (c)
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1."Welfare reform" (a) (b)
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2. Child-care support (a) (b)
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3. Education and training (a)
(b)
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4. Work expectations (a) (b) (c)
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1. Debt reduction (a) (b) (c)
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2. Funding priorities (a) (b) (c)
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3. "Entitlement" (a) (b)
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4. Permanent tax cuts (a) (b)
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1. "Moral values" (a)
(b) (c)
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2. "Moral values" in society (a)
(b)
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3. Role of organized religion in elections (a): (b)
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4. What could my congregation do (a)
(b)
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Address
__________________________ City________________
Zip_________________
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________________ email_______________
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